Rezene Habte is one of the earliest Eritrean opposition members who dared to raise their voices against the Eritrean President Esayas Afewerki.
He joined the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF) in 1974 which was waging guerrilla war against Ethiopian forces in order to create a separate Eritrean state. In 1980 when ELF was wiped out by forces of the EPLF led by the current Eritrean president Esayas, he left for Khartoum, Sudan. Then in 1983, he went to the US.
He now works for the US federal government at the General Accountability Office as a supervisor.
Last week, he was in Addis Ababa to attend a conference of Eritrean opposition parties. Our senior reporter Bruck Shewareged interviewed Dr. Rezene on Eritrean opposition, the government in Eritrea and the living conditions in that country. Excerpts:
How disastrous is Eritrean government's policy whether in terms of democracy, relationships with neighbors or the economy?
The government is treating the Eritrean people harshly, even harsher than the Derg (military) regime. From an Eritrean citizen's point of view, the people's struggle for independence which lasted for more than three decades has totally gone off track. Had the Eritrean people known in advance that they would have such a regime, they would have long abandoned their struggle. Had they known that president Essayas would be at the helm of power and exercises his authority ruthlessly, they wouldn't have supported the struggle. I know that this is the sentiment of the people currently.
Let me make one thing very clear. The government has no policy at all. It is a government made up of bandits. Unfortunately, the Eritrean people who have been harshly suppressed by this regime are forgotten by the outside world.
Neighboring countries know perfectly well about the plight of the Eritrean people. But they are not doing anything to help the people of Eritrea.
They are leaving their country behind en masse. I've been recently to Khartoum, Sudan. There I saw a large number of young Eritrean refugees. It seems they have lost their nationality value. . .
Sorry to interrupt you. Apart from Sudan, many are fleeing to Ethiopia though most of them stay in the houses of their relatives here. Aren't you worried that the state might collapse if so many people abandon their country, especially the youth?
The Eritrean state has practically collapsed. The problem is that there is no viable opposition force which challenges the regime.
And why is that?
Well, the first reason is the opposition's incompetence. There is a power rivalry amongst opposition forces. They have no wider vision. The way they are organized and conduct their struggle is very much narrow-minded. They are also corrupt.
On top of this, the biggest problem is that so far there is no government that showed commitment to support them and help remove president Esayas' government.
Most worry about stability first rather than democracy. In the absence of a viable opposition which can overtake power in orderly fashion, is it fair to blame other countries for refraining from precipitating the fall of the government in Eritrea?
Yes, they are to blame. Honestly speaking we saw the recent takeover of power by the Somali transitional government. In terms of the existence of opposition, Eritrean opposition forces had a better chance than their Somali counterparts. But they have not secured that crucial support. They so far didn't get US support. Even the Ethiopian government doesn't have an official policy to support opposition forces. The notion that there is no personality to replace President Esayas in Eritrea is very much mistaken. There are capable people but they lack outside support. I'm sure you have not heard of any country which officially supports the opposition.
Even if the Eritrean opposition leaders are corrupt and are on the wrong track, I don't think it is difficult for the Ethiopian government to put them back on the right political trajectory if there is the will.
Overall, I know that Esayas is not only the enemy of the Eritrean people but he is also the enemy of the people of Ethiopia. There is no stone left unturned by Esayas to disintegrate Ethiopia. The Ethiopian leaders might disregard Esayas' ability to do serious harm to Ethiopia. But in my opinion, it is wrong to give him several chances.
The Ethiopian and Eritrean people have strong cultural and historical bonds and more than half a million Eritreans live in Ethiopia. Since the conflict started contacts have been severed between the two. What would be the social impact or the consequences of this rift?
I couldn't even understand how this separation began to take place in the first place. Many Eritreans who, I think, did not pose a threat to the national interest of Ethiopia have been deported. I have come to understand that the Ethiopian government did not think it out thoroughly at the time.
Honestly speaking, the Eritrean people should not have been punished for voting for independence. They have supported the idea of independence, not Esayas' aggression against Ethiopia. So I don't support the Ethiopian government's decision to deport them.
Can you give me a picture of what life looks like in Eritrea now?
As a journalist, you know the situation in North Korea. Eritrea is Africa's North Korea. The people start to line up in front of bakeries beginning from 4:00 am every day. Sugar and other items are rationed. Sometimes, when some youngsters flee the country, the government takes away that ration card from the family. This is how harsh the government is.
We cannot speak about anything in terms of people's rights. Nobody gives attention to the people's plight there because there is little or no viable interest which other countries want to pursue in Eritrea. There is no one to care for the people.
Some NGOs at some time tried to give assistance to the people. But before long, Esayas suspended their operations. So outsiders have no idea of what's going on inside Eritrea. But youngsters are flocking to the Sudan and Shemelbal in Ethiopia refuge camp in the thousands. On average around 250 people flee to Khartoum every day. The situation is tragic.
Even the UN has not given the Eritrean refugees their due attention. It even doesn't fulfill their basic rights as refugees.
I honestly believe that if the Ethiopian people have any idea of the scourge that has befallen the people of Eritrea, they would start a struggle to free them.
What made Esayas so strong and exert absolute control over the people? Here, I'm raising the age-old debate as to whether the people create dictators or dictators mold subdued people? In fact, didn't he have popular support that he was even said to be worshiped by the people?
We, as a people, created Esayas the dictator. Only a few people in the US used to oppose president Esayas. 99.9 percent of the people there supported him directly or indirectly.
Esayas, by nature, is a dictator. He has killed a lot of intellectuals over the years. But the Eritrean people's orientation was only towards the nationality question. What could happen after independence was not addressed at the time. Neither the intellectuals nor the people did answer that question.
Was the question even raised?
No, it was not raised. During the days of military struggle in the bushes, he committed two major acts of crime. First, he purged those who challenged him. He killed a lot of them. Then he went after the conservatists. He, in fact, killed and purged many members by labeling them either leftist or rightist. Then he finally surrounded himself with his henchmen and entered Asmara in 1991.
Saying Esayas is undemocratic and cannot administer the country constituted a serious crime for the first five or six years following independence. Let alone accusing him of being undemocratic, saying that he could be mistaken was a crime by itself. If you say that the people would accuse you of being an Ethiopian, not an Eritrean. We were beaten in the US by some Eritreans for criticizing Esayas.
Honestly speaking, we created Esayas the dictator, and it is our responsibility to remove him. Of course, Eritreans residing in the country would not even think of making a move towards that end. The people are living under harsh conditions. To give a comparison, during the Derg time (former military regime) was better in some aspects as the people would say. Some even say that Esayas is the Tigrigna speaking Mengistu Hailemariam (former Ethiopian military leader). The difference between the two is that they speak two different languages. Nowadays, the people are saying that Esayas has become even worse than Mengistu. Living conditions were better back then.
All commodities being sold in Eritrea are owned by the business arm of the ruling party Popular Front for Democracy and Justice, formerly known as EPLF.
It was basically the popular support which strengthened the liberation movement though there was considerable outside assistance. Now, in the absence of popular movement or support for freedom from tyranny, how do you expect other countries to support you to remove Esayas?
I've been in the opposition camp for 25 years. The Ethiopian government, both as a government and as liberation movement, has been closely watching the Eritrean opposition. Regarding the US, I couldn't exactly say what their interest is in Eritrea.
I was not talking about any country in particular.
I understand that. But if America gives the green light, no other country would dare to oppose. We've been to the State Department many times. They have repeatedly told as that we were not strong enough to get their support. Sometimes they said that since the opposition coalition includes two Islamic fronts, they are reluctant to extend that support. But the Americans themselves went to Khartoum and met people from the two fronts and concluded that they are nationalists rather than pure Islamic movements.
Let me tell you one fact, there is no shortage of people who can replace president Esayas as a leader.
But it is not about individuals or their leadership talent. Is there any capable organization that can smoothly handle the transfer of power and lead the country?
We have many organizations. Yes, some of them were weakened due to their own mistakes.
If we take the Ethiopian government, it did not make a serious effort so far to help create a strong opposition to topple Esayas.
Do you believe that the Ethiopian government can do that?
If there is the political will, the Ethiopian government can replace Esayas within a weak. Forget a direct military action. If Ethiopia officially decided to remove Esayas and make some political move, Esayas' government will jitter. In short, there are two problems. First, the opposition is weak and second, there is no outside government intervention to support and coordinate the opposition camp to remove Esayas.
The Sana'a Forum which consists of Sudan, Ethiopia and Yemen has already faltered. Sudan deviated from its stand and befriended Esayas. They also closed our offices there and exposed us to more threats from Asmara. The only option left to us is the government of Ethiopia's support. In fact, Ethiopia has more responsibility. After all, the two people used to live together under Ethiopian sovereignty.
Moreover, the two people have historical and cultural bonds. I don't think any sane Ethiopian would want to see any damage done to the people of Eritrea.
I also believe that the longer Esayas stays in power, it is dangerous to the security of Ethiopia. In this sense, Ethiopia has responsibility. Take the case with Somalia. The Ethiopian government knew that the jihadists could not pose any serious threat to Ethiopia because their power was not comparable to that of Ethiopia. But the administration here knew also that if they are left alone for long, they would constitute a serious threat to Ethiopia.
By the same token, the longer Esayas stayed in power, the more threat he becomes to Ethiopia. Some might disagree but that is the way I see it. And if Eritrea disintegrates, it surely will have a negative effect on Ethiopia, not a positive one.
Would you be surprised if you come across people with a sentiment, "why should we care?" After all, 99.8 percent of Eritreans voted for independence.
I honestly believe that not only the people, but also government is oriented along that line of thinking. The fact that Eritrea seceded from Ethiopia should not be allowed to break the bond between the two peoples.
If a democratic government is established in Eritrea, Ethiopia's strategic interests will be protected. The presence of Esayas is detrimental to the interests of both people.
You are now in Ethiopia to participate in Eritrea opposition parties meeting. What is your involvement there exactly?
This is a conference of all Eritrean opposition organizations. For me, these are politically corrupt people or parties. They have many problems. In the face of all the problems we have, they give priority to their own benefit. They are not truly committed to pay the necessary sacrifices for the sake of the people of Eritrea.
We mentioned on our website that most of the current leadership are not useful to the people. And we argued for the formation of a strategic partnership with Ethiopia and conduct our struggle openly. Some Eritreans fear forging this strategic partnership with Ethiopia. This is their own problem. Unfortunately, on the part of the Ethiopian government, there is no clear policy on this issue. This is confusing. But this alliance is very much useful to both people. And by the way, once the people voted for independence doesn't mean that the story is over. People hold referendums many times on various issues depending on the situation.
Did you meet people from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to push this agenda?
Well, this is not easy to do. But we discuss the issue with a lot of Ethiopians in the diaspora. I am saying we should think about the way forward. The notion of "why should we care?" must be left behind. Seceding from Ethiopia is not a crime. After all, Emperor Menilik II abandoned Eritrea more than a century ago. But we should not dwell on past mistakes. We should look ahead.
Would you agree that they way Eritrea was separated from Ethiopia was not handled properly?
Yes, there were technical mistakes committed during the process of disengagement from Ethiopia. Declaring independence is not a mistake. I myself struggled for independence from Ethiopia. But I have no grudge against the Ethiopian people. My problem was with the regimes.
Things always change. Regimes change. But the bond between the people must remain as it is. Let's not dwell too much on past mistakes.
